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BeitragVerfasst am: Mi Sep 16, 2015 18:28:28 
Titel: Putin die Witzfigur….
Antworten mit Zitat

http://www.themoscowtimes.com/news/article/medvedev-adele-trolls--which-false-putin-prank-called-elton-john/531038.html

andererseits ist aber der Putler, der Oppositionelle und Journalisten ermorden lässt, natürlich ein brutale Figur…

im russischen "Parlament" geht es derzeit so zu…



http://www.themoscowtimes.com/news/article/russian-parliament-resumes-work-with-smear-attack-on-opposition-deputy/530893.html

Alles sehr trivial…

aber gut, die Massenmörder des 20. Jahrhunderts waren auch sehr triviale Figuren…

Hitler, Stalin, Mao etc etc…

und die Fans dieser Massenmörder waren ungebildete Proleten…

so wie heutzutag auch….( bei uns z.B in Österreich…)
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BeitragVerfasst am: Mo Okt 05, 2015 06:50:08 
Titel: präzises Interview
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auch mit ein bissel Österreichbezug…analysiert einen der vielen Gründe warum Putin bei gewissen Leuten hier im Land so beliebt ist..neben dem ewiggestrigen Orkus im Land...

http://diepresse.com/home/politik/aussenpolitik/4835185/Anne-Applebaum_So-beginnen-Weltkriege?from=gl.home_politik
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BeitragVerfasst am: Mi Okt 07, 2015 19:51:16 
Titel: Dem Putin
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und seinem "Inner Circle", immerhin ein paar tausend Beamten, geht der A…auf eh-schon-wissen…

eine Bande von Dieben und Mördern möchte ihr Diebsgut nun mit Hilfe des FSB vor der russischen Bevölkerung geheim halten…



Zitat:
.FSB Seeks to Classify Information About Russian Officials' Villas

By Peter Hobson Oct. 06 2015 21:31 Last edited 21:32


The property database has been key in outing a number of people who are part of President Vladimir Putin's inner circle.
Top Russian bureaucrats have repeatedly been forced to watch pictures of their luxury mansions paraded in the press in recent years.

Stories of special facilities to house fur coats and multimillion-dollar villas belonging to officials whose official salaries are barely enough to afford an average apartment in central Moscow provoked derision and outrage from the public.

But authorities are planning a pushback. Many of the revelations were uncovered by anti-corruption activists using a public database of property ownership. So the FSB, Russia’s powerful domestic security service, has drawn up legislation to make knowledge of who owns the country’s mansions a secret.

On Tuesday, a government commission announced it had approved the project — marking the first stage on its way to becoming law………...


http://www.themoscowtimes.com/news/article/fsb-seeks-to-classify-information-about-russian-officials-villas/537265.html
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BeitragVerfasst am: Do Okt 08, 2015 18:23:42 
Titel: über den Zustand Russlands
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nach 15 Jahren Putin Herrschaft…

Zitat:


A Letter to the Rulers of Russia, From Oleg Kashin

Posted 4 October 2015 14:24 GMT


In the early morning hours on November 6, 2010, almost five years ago, a group of men attacked and nearly killed Oleg Kashin, one of Russia's most prominent journalists. They broke each of his fingers and smashed his head with a steel pipe. He was hospitalized in a coma, but he did not die.

Last month, on September 7, 2015, after a surprisingly exhaustive investigation by Russian police, Kashin revealed the names of his alleged attackers. The men appear to be linked to Andrey Turchak, the powerful governor of Pskov, and ex-employees of the security department of “Zaslon,” a company owned by Turchak's family that designs and produces aircraft electronics and weapons-targeting systems. Though the evidence against Turchak and his entourage has mounted in the press, he remains free and in office. He hasn't even been questioned.

On Saturday, October 3, Kashin published an open letter addressed to President Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, where he discusses his case and the significance its abandonment has for Russia as a nation. That letter appears below, translated fully into English.


Dear Mr. Putin and Mr. Medvedev,

My colleagues have already written you open letters about my case. You haven’t responded (and, more importantly, neither has your Investigative Committee), though this actually makes perfect sense: you were asked to “sort it out,” but there’s no need for anything like that. I understand perfectly well that you “sorted it out” a long time ago, and you’ve known for just as long that it was your little Governor Turchak who was behind this crime against me—the same crime I once discussed with one of you, when one of you told me the heads of whoever was responsible would roll. But my case was solved a long time ago. You know this, and I know this. And I see no reason to pretend that the problem here is that you still need to “sort it out.”

Like I said: you’ve already sorted it out, and your decision not to act is clear.

You’ve decided to side with your Governor Turchak; you’re protecting him and his gang of thugs and murderers. It would make sense for somebody like me—a victim of this gang—to be outraged about all this and tell you that it’s dishonest and unjust, but I understand that such words would only make you laugh. You have complete and absolute control over the adoption and implementation of laws in Russia, and yet you still live like criminals. Every time, it’s something above the law. Consider Inspector Sotskov, who’s been handed my case and is now dutifully tearing it apart. Busy rescuing Turchak and his partner Gorbunov, Sotskov put it elegantly when he said recently: There’s the law, but there’s also the man in charge, and the will of the boss is always stronger than any law. Put bluntly: he’s right and that’s reality. Your will in Russia is stronger than any law, and simply obeying the law is an impossible fantasy.

I’ve known Inspector Sotskov for over a year now. He and I belong to the same generation. At one time, he was even a journalist at Narodnoe Radio. I can easily imagine him in his first year of law school, studying Roman law, still full of enthusiasm, honesty, and dreams about changing the world. And what’s become of him now? He’s a terrified bureaucrat, dreaming about keeping his job long enough to earn a pension, and he’s ready to do any foul thing to get it—even something criminal that could land him behind bars. Who made him this way? It was you.

For some reason, we weigh the last fifteen years of your reign purely in certain materialist terms. Oil costs so much, the dollar is worth so much, GDP rose so many percentiles, and so on. But it’s not about oil or GDP. History will judge these fifteen years precisely on the fate of men like Sotskov. It was you who turned an enthusiastic freshman—someone who hurried to the studio from lectures to read the news on an opposition radio station—into a uniformed cynic, who admits openly that the will of his superiors—his bosses—is for him (an investigator and an officer!) more important than any law. And I’ve got no right to judge him. When Sotskov looks around, what does he see? He sees an example being made of his colleague and friend, Alexey Serdyukov, the distinguished investigator who not long ago put behind bars Makhachkala Mayor Said Amirov. After he dared to solve my case, where Governor Turchak is a suspect, Serdyukov was basically suspended.

Your choice between the Serdyukovs and the Sotskovs is a principled one, of course. The former you simply don’t need, and the latter make up your most reliable pillar of support. The more flexible they’re capable of being, the safer it is for you.

But don’t flatter yourself: the last fifteen years haven’t been a revival for Russia, and the country hasn’t risen from its knees; this time has been a monumental moral catastrophe for our generation. And both of you, Mr. Putin and Mr. Medvedev, are personally responsible for it.

In Russian society today, even obvious questions about good and evil have become impossible. Is it okay to steal? Is it okay to cheat? Is murder ethical? With each of these questions, it’s become customary in Russia now to answer that things aren’t so simple. All your good works have left the nation demoralized and disoriented. Lies and hypocrisy are convenient tools you use to control the masses, and it works for you and it’s comfortable, but each time you use these instruments it’s another painful blow to society, and every next blow could be fatal.

But you carry on, managing your problems without even realizing that you’re digging the hole yourselves. “Things aren’t so simple,” is what the angry crowd will tell you in unison, when it comes time for you to run away. I suspect that you’re afraid of this crowd, but just remember that it was you who created it, and you’ve got nobody to blame but yourselves. For you, it’s an act of high valor to say, “It wasn’t me!” even when you’re caught red-handed. Do you seriously expect to be remembered as true heroes, with a record like this?

Having cut yourselves and your elites off from society, you’ve also cut yourselves off from reality. There’s a wall separating you from the rest of us, and everyone on our side shudders each time the next one of your goons decides to show what a thinker he is by stepping up to a podium and talking about how the population is being controled by computer chips, about the “Euro-Atlantic conspiracy,” or about how the Americans are weaponizing cellular research.

Even we can still experience surprise when we hear such things. In your isolation, on the other hand, this sort of thing is all you hear, and it’s all you believe. Your superstitions and your mysticism—your vision of the world that’s something out of those 1980s samizdat conspiracy theories about Freemasons, and your pseudo-Russian Orthodoxy (which would have appalled Christ)—it all long ago turned you into a totalitarian sect. Most importantly, this sectarianism merged and multiplied with your old friend, the criminal ethics that ruled St. Petersburg in the 1990s. It is precisely this combination of sectarianism and gangster ideas about the nobility of absolute loyalty that make you pick Turchak, when choosing between him and the law.

And if only Turchak were the only one! This year we’ve also had to learn the name “Ruslan Geremeev,” [who is suspected of a playing a leading role in the murder of Boris Nemtsov]. We’ve learned this name thanks to you, because thanks to you the closest men like him will ever come to being prosecuted is seeing “anonymous sources” whisper in the newspapers about their guilt. Criminal charges? Dream on.

It’s common today to say that Chechnya belongs to Ramzan Kadyrov, but really it’s yours. It was you who created it, and, for you, it’s become the perfect example of the Russia you want to rule over. The rest of the country can only hope to catch up, and that’s what Turchak’s Pskov (which, again, is really yours—not his) is trying to do.

You arrested the Komi Republic’s entire ruling elite, and you act like a gang at the top of government is an anomaly. But you yourselves know perfectly well that Vyacheslav Gayzer was a perfectly ordinary governor, and Komi is a perfectly ordinary region, just as Kushchevskaya [a mobtown that was the site of a massacre in 2010] was an ordinary town and not an anomaly. You inherited Russia with the word “federation” attached to the name of its government, and what a wonderful federation it’s become, based entirely on the principle of personal loyalty, with you giving away whole regions to friends, to the children of your friends, or even to random thugs.

When things started between Turchak and me, in our little online exchange, I said his appointment as governor was an insult to federalism, but I didn’t phrase it quite right. In Russia today, everything that’s formally called federalism is an insult to the citizens, to the law, and to basic common sense. This, too, is your personal accomplishment, and nobody else’s.

Whoever comes after you will have to create Russia all over again, from scratch. This is your only service to history—what you’ve spent fifteen years achieving. Your favorite justification for all this (the only one, there are no others) are the troubles of the 1990s, but it’s important to understand that you preserved and strengthened everything about this period that we’ve come to hate today. You didn’t fix anything. You only made it all worse.

You like to think of yourselves as the heirs to two empires, Tsarist and Soviet. But the tsars sent criminals to hang; they didn’t put them in governors’ chairs. You take pride in your neo-Soviet militarism, but if anybody told Dmitriy Ustinov, who created the USSR’s military-industrial complex, that a man was beaten with steel pipes and it was passed off in accounting as an official defense project, paid for with official state funding, Ustinov would have thought he was hearing a nasty anti-Soviet joke. Veterans of Turchak’s factory told me that, twenty years ago, the young future governor would ride around the grounds in a black Volga, firing from a pistol at stray cats. The portrait of your era and your elites will be full of details like this, and you’ve got no reason to expect anything more.

Your main problem is that you simply don’t love Russia. You treat it like another disposable resource that’s fallen into your laps. And whatever your confessors tell you, know that God won’t forgive you for this.

In recent days, I’ve heard many times that all the noise around my case is getting kicked up thanks to some war among the factions who surround you. This is another feature of the system you’ve imposed: nothing just happens, someone is behind everything, and there are conspiracies everywhere. As a participant in this so-called conspiracy, I can say that a battle among the factions is certainly raging, but the shared goal of all the factions is to save your Governor Turchak and his associates from criminal prosecution. I suspect this battle is won. I can see perfectly well that the worst thing Turchak faces now is a quiet resignation, timed long after any developments in my case. This is the only justice citizens can expect, and it means that your system isn’t capable of any kind of justice at all.

You do what you want, but I wonder how comfortable life can be, when you know that you yourselves won’t be able to count on justice or the law, sooner or later.


Oleg Kashin



https://globalvoices.org/2015/10/04/a-letter-to-the-rulers-of-russia-from-oleg-kashin/

http://kashin.guru/2015/10/03/pismovojdyam/

http://www.themoscowtimes.com/opinion/opinion/article/kashins-putin-letter-shows-the-power-of-words/537419.html
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BeitragVerfasst am: Sa Okt 10, 2015 10:10:57 
Titel: gutes Gespräch...
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http://www.aei.org/events/putinism-at-home-and-abroad-a-conversation-with-vladimir-kara-murza/
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BeitragVerfasst am: Do Okt 15, 2015 08:41:31 
Titel: zum Zustand von Russlands Wirtschaft..
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http://www.themoscowtimes.com/opinion/opinion/article/no-good-news-for-russias-economy/538862.html
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BeitragVerfasst am: Mo Okt 26, 2015 18:45:02 
Titel: weit weg von der Realität….
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http://www.themoscowtimes.com/opinion/article/putins-world-is-far-removed-from-reality-op-ed/540395.html

http://www.themoscowtimes.com
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BeitragVerfasst am: Do Okt 29, 2015 09:02:51 
Titel: Buchtipp….
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Zitat:


The Chess Master vs. Putin

The author could easily have opted to live out life like an oligarch, yachting from port to port. Instead, he plunged into politics.

By GABRIEL SCHOENFELD

Oct. 27, 2015 6:47 p.m. ET

When Garry Kasparov, in 2005, suddenly announced his retirement from competition after two decades dominating the chess world, there was widespread puzzlement. He explains in “Winter Is Coming” that he left the pawns and pieces behind to join Russia’s pro-democracy movement. Having “achieved everything I could want to achieve at the chessboard,” he writes, he believed it was time for a different kind of accomplishment. “I wanted my children to be able to grow up in a free Russia. . . . I hoped to use my energy and my fame to push back against the rising tide of repression coming from the Kremlin.”

Now Mr. Kasparov reprises his participation in Russia’s fight for democracy. It is a compelling story of courage and civic-mindedness. With his wealth and status, he could easily have opted to live out life like a Russian oligarch, buying baubles and yachting from port to port. Instead, he plunged into politics, organizing coalitions to challenge the autocratic rule of Vladimir Putin, taking a leading role in public demonstrations and marches, and in 2007 running for president himself. The result was, among other things, beatings at the hands of secret-police thugs, confinement (briefly) in a Moscow prison cell and, finally, self-imposed exile in the West.

But Mr. Kasparov’s book is far more than an account of personal sacrifice—which he would be the first to acknowledge was trifling compared with what many of his compatriots continue to endure. “Winter Is Coming” presents a picture of the internal forces propelling Russia’s descent into aggressive authoritarianism. And it offers a scathing analysis of the contribution of the West to that outcome.

Perhaps the fundamental mistake of post-Communist Russia, according to Mr. Kasparov, was not having any trials or truth commissions. “After decades of genocides, mass relocation and imprisonment, and totalitarian repression, it was decided to let bygones be bygones and move into the bright new future without recrimination.” This decision allowed for a superficial social comity, but it also “left the roots of the powerful Russian security apparatus intact.” Mr. Putin was a creature of that apparatus—he served in the KGB from 1975 right up to communism’s collapse. Having arrived at the Kremlin in 1999, he has ruled with the methods he knows best: subterfuge, propaganda and violence.

Russia’s internal wars with the breakaway region of Chechnya comprise a significant portion of the story Mr. Kasparov tells. Mr. Putin ruthlessly exploited a genuine danger to national security to shutter democratic institutions and consolidate his power. In Mr. Putin’s first weeks as prime minister, powerful bombs destroyed apartment buildings in a number of Russian cities, killing 293 people and maiming many more. Were the blasts the work of Chechen terrorists, as was initially believed, or were they a “false flag” operation carried out by the Russian secret police to ignite outrage against Chechnya? Mr. Kasparov finds the latter possibility “too horrible to contemplate” and judges Chechen terrorists as fully capable of committing such crimes. Yet, after reviewing the wealth of evidence implicating Mr. Putin’s agents, he concludes that government forces were probably behind one or more of the bombings.


Along with brutal warfare in Chechnya, Mr. Putin’s rule has featured the plundering of the economy by well-connected sycophants and the suppression of both an independent press and the political opposition. Some of Russia’s most intrepid journalists have been beaten and a number killed. Opposition leaders have encountered a similar fate. Earlier this year, Boris Nemtsov, a friend of Mr. Kasparov and one of Russia’s most eloquent proponents of democracy, was murdered within steps of the Kremlin. Given who controls the police, these crimes are never followed up with more than kangaroo investigations.

Unfortunately, as Mr. Kasparov documents, Western leaders have acted toward Mr. Putin’s criminal regime with either cupidity (the Europeans) or incomprehension (the Americans). George W. Bush explained that he looked into Mr. Putin’s eyes and “was able to get a sense of his soul,” finding the Russian dictator to be “straightforward and trustworthy.”

Team Obama has been even worse. Mr. Kasparov recounts a meeting he had with Vice President Joe Biden, who had traveled to Moscow for talks in 2011. Fresh from the splendors of the Kremlin, a breathless Mr. Biden related how he had just met Mr. Putin and pressed him not to run for the presidency yet again, telling him “it would look terrible and hurt Russia’s constitutional integrity.” The naiveté of such a comment, Mr. Kasparov writes, was “terribly disappointing” and a reflection of the Obama administration’s “deluded hopes” regarding Russia.

Those hopes proved unshakable. Two successive American secretaries of state, Hillary Clinton and John Kerry, treated Mr. Putin “as if he would reform his wicked ways if only they treated him kindly enough and offered enough concessions.” Mr. Kasparov calls such feeble conduct “convenient cowardice.” Even after Russia swallowed Crimea and ignited a war in Ukraine, he laments, the West has not ceased feeding the crocodile.

The leaders of the free world, Mr. Kasparov suggests, need to recover their nerve, form a united front against Mr. Putin’s adventurism, and defend the principles of liberty and self-government—with words always and with force where prudent and necessary. The appeasement of Russia, Mr. Kasparov cautions, will only court aggression, a prediction already borne out by Russia’s armed incursion in Syria. With world events crashing around us, the final year of Barack Obama’s presidency promises to be among the most dangerous in our history. A long dark winter will indeed be upon us unless our nation changes course.

Mr. Schoenfeld is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute specializing in intelligence and national security.


www.wsj.com

http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/1610396200/ref=as_li_tl?ie=UTF8&camp=1789&creative=390957&creativeASIN=1610396200&linkCode=as2&tag=wwwkasparov05-20&linkId=IGCIYJIR6P3RYLUU

http://www.kasparov.com/books/
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BeitragVerfasst am: Do Okt 29, 2015 11:18:06 
Titel: das gespaltene Land...
Antworten mit Zitat

http://www1.wdr.de/mediathek/video/sendungen/eins_zu_eins/videowiestarkistputinsrussland100.html

http://reitschuster.de
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BeitragVerfasst am: Mo Nov 09, 2015 23:52:38 
Titel: Leon Aron
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schildert dem US Kongress was es mit dem Propaganda Krieg Putins gegen seine eigene Bevölkerung und gegen unsere offenen und freien Gesellschaften auf sich hat..



http://www.aei.org/publication/russian-propaganda-ways-and-means/
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